Former CEO of Fosagro Maxim Volkov became the new co-owner of the Alexinsky Glass Factory. He bought a share of 25%, the amount of the transaction could be about 3 billion rubles.
Aleksinsky Plant became the second such asset of Volkov. Earlier, its structure Piskalevskaya Soda JSC acquired the Tver Glass Factory with a capacity of 240 tons of glass containers per day. Maxim Volkov decided to patch up the "glass king"?
The newly minted glass marketer is a famous person. Having worked for a long time at the Russian chemical holding Fosagro, Volkov was previously considered a man of the Guryev team.
Even then, in the zero years, he established himself as a tough manager who does not shy from using his company's monopoly position to put pressure on competitors.
For example, they say that Volkov perfectly mastered the technique "Disruptions in the supply of raw materials make consumers more accommodating." Then Fosagro supplied chemical elements to a number of enterprises producing mineral fertilizers.
Played a monopoly
Some of them, having stood for a month or two without raw materials, became very accommodating and agreed to any increase in selling prices for the concentrate. Still - being in such a suspended state threatens with technical disruptions in production.
According to rumors, in this way Volkov managed to “nail” the Akron Novgorod OJSC and the Dorogobuzh OJSC from the Smolensk Region, which, due to such pressure from Fosagro, were almost on the verge of stopping at the end of the zero. Acron, which suffered the most from the monopolist, was able to defend its rights only in court.
As it turned out later, the general director of Fosagro was not at all embarrassed by the fact of the court decision establishing prices and volumes of supplies of raw materials to the Novgorod Chemical Plant. He continued to bend his line.
As a result, at some point, Fosagro again stopped the supply of raw materials to Akron, citing the fact that the application for the supply of concentrate was allegedly not sent on time. A version that was perceived by the industry as nothing more than ridiculous.
Volkov became famous for his informational “war” with another player in the chemical market - the Voskresensk Mineral Fertilizers plant, which at that time belonged to Dmitry Mazepin's Uralchem. In 2014, the team of this enterprise almost lost its job due to Phosagro's position on raw materials prices
The Uralchem then noted that during the negotiations, having met the monopolist’s reluctance to compromise and trying to maintain production by all means, the VMU reduced the requested volume from 830 to 500 thousand tons per year.
In the end, the plant agreed to purchase raw materials at the price demanded by the monopolist (about 5.2 thousand rubles per 1 ton), with the possibility of revising it later on the basis of court proceedings.
In response, Fosagro not only refused VMU to supply the required volumes of apatite concentrate, but also offered to replace it in 2014 with only a tiny amount, unsuitable for VMU quality.
Of course, Volkov’s “price wars” put the plant on the brink of survival. Hundreds of employees, as they say, took to the street, where they demanded a meeting with the leadership of Fosagro, whose position threatened to leave them without work.
Volkov was even going to meet with them. Thus, he responded to an open letter from VMU employees in which they demanded that the head of Fosagro comply with the requirements of the Law on Protection of Competition and reduce the monopolistically high prices for apatite concentrate.
The meeting was supposed to be organized in the Chemist Palace of Culture, located on the central square of the city of Voskresensk. More than 600 people came. Volkov promised no less, but to explain to the factory employees why the company was forced to buy apatite concentrate at the highest price in the world.
But cheated. I just did not come to a meeting with the employees of the enterprise. Instead, he was found in the Voskresensk administration, where he apparently “resolved” issues with local officials. From where they persuaded with great difficulty to go to the Palace of Culture, where hundreds of people had been waiting for him for a long time.
As a result, Volkov could not give a clear answer to any question asked, and even, obviously, did not try. His meeting with the VMU workers turned out to be an empty profanity.
Servant of two masters
An unexpected turn in Volkov’s career happened in 2013. Then he was unexpectedly appointed as the CEO of BaselCement-Pikalevo by oligarch Oleg Deripaska.
Such a move was considered strange, because back in 2009 there was a real “corporate war” between Bazel and Fosagro (think between Deripaska and Guryev), which was associated with the formation of prices for raw materials for BazelCement-Pikalevo!
Volkov, as they say, was in the forefront in the field of Mochilov rivals of his boss from BaselCement-Pikalevo. And the conflict itself occurred due to the fact that the Fosagro holding forced Basel to buy raw materials at inflated prices.
This made the production at the BaselCement-Pikalevo plant unprofitable, which led to the temporary closure of the plant and even civil unrest in Pikalevo.
To extinguish the conflict and stop social tensions in Pikalevo, President Vladimir Putin himself had to. Which, Volkov, actually framed.
As a result, it was Vladimir Putin who persuaded Fosagro and BaselCement-Piskalevo to sign a new agreement with a reduced price for concentrate. They say that Maxim Volkov was simply furious with this decision.
As if he took it as a personal humiliation: for so long it was imposing one price on intractable counterparts, and the state, fearing a social explosion, achieved a completely different one.
In addition, as if he was dissatisfied that they put him in the media field as an insignificant figure: after all, the contract in the presence of Putin was signed by Deripaska and Guryev, and Volkov remained behind the scenes. In any case, painful pride has never contributed to effective management.
Volkov was so annoyed by the outcome of the conflict that he filed a lawsuit in which he allegedly demanded to recover from the Russian authorities the difference between the market price at which he had signed the ill-fated agreement in Pikalevo and the monopoly at which Fosagro had so far supplied to Baselcement. nepheline concentrate before.
After losing the corporate war, Volkov decided to compensate for his sluggishness at the expense of the state. Very indicative, of course.
Thus, taking into account the tense relations between Deripaska and Guriev, as well as the fact that Volkov could be called a source of problems for BaselCement-Pikalevo for a long time, he was very surprised at his appointment to this enterprise in the industry. We talked almost about the raider seizure of "BaselCement-Pikalevo" by the Guryev structures.
Everything seemed to be much simpler. They say that at some point, the young top manager Volkov was so fed up with his agility and his sticks in Deripaska’s wheels that he simply “outbid” him from Guryev. Such a principled manager turned out to be Maxim Volkov.
Aleksinsky Plant became the second such asset of Volkov. Earlier, its structure Piskalevskaya Soda JSC acquired the Tver Glass Factory with a capacity of 240 tons of glass containers per day. Maxim Volkov decided to patch up the "glass king"?
The newly minted glass marketer is a famous person. Having worked for a long time at the Russian chemical holding Fosagro, Volkov was previously considered a man of the Guryev team.
Even then, in the zero years, he established himself as a tough manager who does not shy from using his company's monopoly position to put pressure on competitors.
For example, they say that Volkov perfectly mastered the technique "Disruptions in the supply of raw materials make consumers more accommodating." Then Fosagro supplied chemical elements to a number of enterprises producing mineral fertilizers.
Played a monopoly
Some of them, having stood for a month or two without raw materials, became very accommodating and agreed to any increase in selling prices for the concentrate. Still - being in such a suspended state threatens with technical disruptions in production.
According to rumors, in this way Volkov managed to “nail” the Akron Novgorod OJSC and the Dorogobuzh OJSC from the Smolensk Region, which, due to such pressure from Fosagro, were almost on the verge of stopping at the end of the zero. Acron, which suffered the most from the monopolist, was able to defend its rights only in court.
As it turned out later, the general director of Fosagro was not at all embarrassed by the fact of the court decision establishing prices and volumes of supplies of raw materials to the Novgorod Chemical Plant. He continued to bend his line.
As a result, at some point, Fosagro again stopped the supply of raw materials to Akron, citing the fact that the application for the supply of concentrate was allegedly not sent on time. A version that was perceived by the industry as nothing more than ridiculous.
Volkov became famous for his informational “war” with another player in the chemical market - the Voskresensk Mineral Fertilizers plant, which at that time belonged to Dmitry Mazepin's Uralchem. In 2014, the team of this enterprise almost lost its job due to Phosagro's position on raw materials prices
The Uralchem then noted that during the negotiations, having met the monopolist’s reluctance to compromise and trying to maintain production by all means, the VMU reduced the requested volume from 830 to 500 thousand tons per year.
In the end, the plant agreed to purchase raw materials at the price demanded by the monopolist (about 5.2 thousand rubles per 1 ton), with the possibility of revising it later on the basis of court proceedings.
In response, Fosagro not only refused VMU to supply the required volumes of apatite concentrate, but also offered to replace it in 2014 with only a tiny amount, unsuitable for VMU quality.
Of course, Volkov’s “price wars” put the plant on the brink of survival. Hundreds of employees, as they say, took to the street, where they demanded a meeting with the leadership of Fosagro, whose position threatened to leave them without work.
Volkov was even going to meet with them. Thus, he responded to an open letter from VMU employees in which they demanded that the head of Fosagro comply with the requirements of the Law on Protection of Competition and reduce the monopolistically high prices for apatite concentrate.
The meeting was supposed to be organized in the Chemist Palace of Culture, located on the central square of the city of Voskresensk. More than 600 people came. Volkov promised no less, but to explain to the factory employees why the company was forced to buy apatite concentrate at the highest price in the world.
But cheated. I just did not come to a meeting with the employees of the enterprise. Instead, he was found in the Voskresensk administration, where he apparently “resolved” issues with local officials. From where they persuaded with great difficulty to go to the Palace of Culture, where hundreds of people had been waiting for him for a long time.
As a result, Volkov could not give a clear answer to any question asked, and even, obviously, did not try. His meeting with the VMU workers turned out to be an empty profanity.
Servant of two masters
An unexpected turn in Volkov’s career happened in 2013. Then he was unexpectedly appointed as the CEO of BaselCement-Pikalevo by oligarch Oleg Deripaska.
Such a move was considered strange, because back in 2009 there was a real “corporate war” between Bazel and Fosagro (think between Deripaska and Guryev), which was associated with the formation of prices for raw materials for BazelCement-Pikalevo!
Volkov, as they say, was in the forefront in the field of Mochilov rivals of his boss from BaselCement-Pikalevo. And the conflict itself occurred due to the fact that the Fosagro holding forced Basel to buy raw materials at inflated prices.
This made the production at the BaselCement-Pikalevo plant unprofitable, which led to the temporary closure of the plant and even civil unrest in Pikalevo.
To extinguish the conflict and stop social tensions in Pikalevo, President Vladimir Putin himself had to. Which, Volkov, actually framed.
As a result, it was Vladimir Putin who persuaded Fosagro and BaselCement-Piskalevo to sign a new agreement with a reduced price for concentrate. They say that Maxim Volkov was simply furious with this decision.
As if he took it as a personal humiliation: for so long it was imposing one price on intractable counterparts, and the state, fearing a social explosion, achieved a completely different one.
In addition, as if he was dissatisfied that they put him in the media field as an insignificant figure: after all, the contract in the presence of Putin was signed by Deripaska and Guryev, and Volkov remained behind the scenes. In any case, painful pride has never contributed to effective management.
Volkov was so annoyed by the outcome of the conflict that he filed a lawsuit in which he allegedly demanded to recover from the Russian authorities the difference between the market price at which he had signed the ill-fated agreement in Pikalevo and the monopoly at which Fosagro had so far supplied to Baselcement. nepheline concentrate before.
After losing the corporate war, Volkov decided to compensate for his sluggishness at the expense of the state. Very indicative, of course.
Thus, taking into account the tense relations between Deripaska and Guriev, as well as the fact that Volkov could be called a source of problems for BaselCement-Pikalevo for a long time, he was very surprised at his appointment to this enterprise in the industry. We talked almost about the raider seizure of "BaselCement-Pikalevo" by the Guryev structures.
Everything seemed to be much simpler. They say that at some point, the young top manager Volkov was so fed up with his agility and his sticks in Deripaska’s wheels that he simply “outbid” him from Guryev. Such a principled manager turned out to be Maxim Volkov.
According to rumors, the protection of Fosagro and Volkov was provided by Denis Manturov, who had only recently been appointed by the Minister of Industry and Trade. They even said that the appointment of Deripaska Volkov to the structure of Basel was the result of Manturov’s pressure on the oligarch.
In addition, according to rumors, it was Manturov who supported Volkov in obtaining Fosagro's main assets of Metakhim CJSC.
It is believed that the protection of Manturov Volkov continues today. And that the minister intends to play a significant role in Volkov’s becoming the glass king.
Allegedly, the decision to purchase the Aleksinsky Glass Factory and the deal itself were not without the help of an official, whose interest in this story, as often happens with Russian officials, can be very prosaic.
Manturov should remember all the “apatite wars” in which Volkov took part, and think about how reliable a partner would be a person for whom only the price of the issue is the determining factor in relations with people.
In addition, according to rumors, it was Manturov who supported Volkov in obtaining Fosagro's main assets of Metakhim CJSC.
It is believed that the protection of Manturov Volkov continues today. And that the minister intends to play a significant role in Volkov’s becoming the glass king.
Allegedly, the decision to purchase the Aleksinsky Glass Factory and the deal itself were not without the help of an official, whose interest in this story, as often happens with Russian officials, can be very prosaic.
Manturov should remember all the “apatite wars” in which Volkov took part, and think about how reliable a partner would be a person for whom only the price of the issue is the determining factor in relations with people.
Business
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